Ben wrote:

Massagrande zou de moordenaar zijn van rechter Vittorio Occorsio, de onkreukbare terroristenjager die het onderzoek leidde na de bomaanslag op de Italicustrein in 1974. Hij werd dodelijk getroffen door dertien kogels terwijl hij met zijn oude Fiat door Rome reed. Massagrande werd ontmaskerd maar kon ontkomen en vluchtte naar Paraguay.

Bron: Crapule De Luxe

Ter aanvulling: Paraguay is het land waar ook Bultot van de zon ging.

Eén van de Italiaanse huurlingen, Pier Luigi Concutelli, had voor het uitvoeren van de aanslagen tegen Baskische vluchtelingen van de Spaanse inlichtingendienst een Ingram-Marietta-machinepistool gekregen. Later, op 10 juli 1976, zou hij hetzelfde wapen gebruiken om in Italië rechter Occorsio, belast met de vervolging van het zwart terrorisme, te vermoorden. Bij zijn aanhouding stelde de Italiaanse politie tot haar grote verrassing vast dat het moordwapen eigendom was van de Spaanse politie.

De waarheid schaadt nooit een zaak die rechtvaardig is.

Italiaanse politie jaagt op extremisten

De Italiaanse politie heeft in onderaardse gewelven in Bologna het hoofdkwartier opgerold van de rechtse, extremistische beweging "Anno Zero" (jaar nul). Anno Zero wordt beschouwd als een zusterorganisatie van Ordine Nuovo (zwarte orde), die zich verantwoordelijk heeft gesteld voor de aanslag op de sneltrein Rome-Münohem waarbij twaalf mensen om het leven kwamen. De politie kwam op het spoor van het hoofdkwartier na verhoor gedurende vier uur van de in verband met de aanslag gearresteerde Italo Bono.

In het met rode zijde beklede hoofdkwartier vond de politie wapens, vlaggen, boeken en radioapparatuur waarmee contact met valschermjagers kan worden onderhouden. Enkele weken geleden nam de politie in Bologna al een Cessraavliegtuig in beslag dat voor transport van parachutisten geschikt was. Het toestel behoorde toe aan Elio Massagrande, de voortvluchtige, vermoedelijke leider van Ordine Nuovo.

Gepubliceerd op: 13 augustus 1974

De waarheid schaadt nooit een zaak die rechtvaardig is.

Even more intriguing among the European delegations at Asuncion was the presence of Elio Massagrande. As Pino Rauti's deputy chief in Ordine Nuovo, Massagrande had ignored the 1973 ban of his organization by the Italian government and had gone on to leave his mark on France and Italy through robbery and murder.

On August 4, 1974, the Italicus express train from Rome to Munich was passing through a long tunnel south of Bologna when a bomb ripped one of its cars apart. Twelve bodies were found amid the twisted metal, along with forty-eight injured. An Italian magistrate, Vittorio Occorsio, conducted a two-year investigation into the atrocity, finally bringing charges against a lieutenant within Massagrande's Ordine Nuovo.

Apparently Occorsio also uncovered the links of Ordine Nuovo to other terrorist formations in Spain and Greece. On June 14, 1976, as he was driving his old Fiat sedan through the congested streets of Rome, Occorsio was murdered with thirteen bullets from an Ingram M10 machine pistol.

After that, things got hot for Massagrande. One of Occorsio's murderers turned informant and disclosed details of the inner workings of Ordine Nuovo. Police discovered Massagrande's bank deposit box in Spain, containing currency and gold bars from a 1976 twenty-five-million-dollar bank robbery in Nice, France. It was time for Massagrande to run; he ran to the safety of General Stroessner's Paraguay. At the time he attended the 1979 League conference, he was high on Interpol's list of wanted fugitives.

De waarheid schaadt nooit een zaak die rechtvaardig is.
the end wrote:

De Italiaanse politie heeft in onderaardse gewelven in Bologna het hoofdkwartier opgerold van de rechtse, extremistische beweging "Anno Zero" (jaar nul).

Dat is daar dat ze de zeldzame munitie gevonden hebben die de bende ook gebruikt, verbonden ook aan Banda della Magliana.

De waarheid schaadt nooit een zaak die rechtvaardig is.

15

Heeft er iemand enig idee wat er geworden is van Elio? Nog steeds onder de hoede van de Paraguyaanse overheid, ondanks het opsporingsbericht van Interpol? Googelen naar "Elio Massagrande" en "arrestation" levert weinig nieuws op.

Oostvl - Belgi

Uit een artikel van een Italiaanse krant van 2012: Elio Massagrande, stierf een tiental jaar geleden in ballingschap in Paraguay. Dus gestorven in 2002 vermoedelijk.

De waarheid schaadt nooit een zaak die rechtvaardig is.

Extra info met Bing vertaald uit het Italiaans:

Op 28 augustus 1999 is veranderd, stilte, na een lange ziekte zei aan de meeste mensen, Elio Massagrande, 57 jaar paratrooper officer, een van de oprichters van de politieke beweging Ordine Nuovo (het gebied geïnterviewd in oktober ' 98). Sport instructeur, paratrooper in ' 66 Massagrande Elio nam plaats op militaire dienst in de paratroepers in Livorno artillerie met de rang van sub-luitenant. Een van de oprichters van de politieke beweging Ordine Nuovo (gebouwd op initiatief van Graziani na de terugkeer van Rauti in Msi in December ' 69) en Veneto, Massagrande Manager werd gedwongen in ballingschap te gaan en een vluchteling wordt achtervolgd door talrijke arrestatie warrants met zeer ernstige beschuldigingen. Geprobeerd in de landen waar hij toevlucht (Griekenland, Spanje, Paraguay) vond, werd bracht hij de familie altijd vrijgesproken. En, na vele jaren, zelfs onze rechterlijke macht moest hem exonerate van enig vergrijp.

De waarheid schaadt nooit een zaak die rechtvaardig is.

Had in zijn tijd in Griekenland een restaurant (kok). Dus zal wel met eten bezig zijn, officier en connecties met de adel, en regelmatig champagne drinken? Zijn kok was: Piero Battiston. Nu van een gevaarlijke kok gesproken!

De waarheid schaadt nooit een zaak die rechtvaardig is.

19 (edited by the end 11-01-2013 02:57)

Rechtse staatsgreep in Italië beraamd

Twee rechtsradicale organisaties hebben de afgdopen maanden samen in Italië een staatsgreep beraamd. Volgens mededelingen die de politie en het openbaar mirasterie in Rome dinsdag verstrtai, werkte de groep "windroos", die in de herfst van het vorig jaar werd opgerold, nauw samen met een "Movimento di Azione Rivoluzionaria" (MAR) genoemde organisatie van de voormalige verzetsman en intussen aangehouden radicale leÜer Fumagalli.

Bij de "windroos" zouden enige hoge militairen en de 73-jarige industrieel Andrea Mario Piaggio uit Genua betrokken zijn. Samen met de M.A.R. zouden zij van plan zijn geweest een fascistische republiek op te richten. Bij het politie-onderzoek in de herfst van 1973 werd een lijst gevonden met de namen van bijna 2.000 Italianen, onder wie de leidende politici van het land, die na de staatsgreep zouden moeten worden doodgeschoten.

De M.A.R. zou onder leiding hebben gestaan van de 49-jarige Fumagalli die wegens talrijke bomaanslagen in Noord-Italië gevangen zit, en van de eveneens gearresteerde advocaat Admao Degli Occhi uit Milaan, die zich . heeft opgeworpen als leider van de "zwijgende meerderheid". Zij zouden nauw contact hebben gehad met de leden van de "windroos", roet wie zij de plannen voor een coup uitwerkten.

De twee organisaties waren van plan op hetzelfde ogenblik in de belangrijkste centra in Noord-Italië en in Rome toe te slaan. Daarvoor rekende men niet alleen op hulp van militaire zijde maar wilde men ook eigen parachutisten in het geweer brengen. In Bologna beschikte men over een Cessna die voor dit doel geschikt was. Dit toestel behoorde aan een voortvluchtig lid van de ondergrondse rechtsextremistische organisatie "Ordine Nuovo" (nieuwe orde), Elio Massagrande, die zich nu in Griekenland of Zwitserland zou bevinden. Mede-eigenaar was Graaf Paolo Avogradi Sturla, een voormalige parachutist.

Bron » www.digibron.nl

De waarheid schaadt nooit een zaak die rechtvaardig is.

In October 1987 Paraguayan residents were surprised to read in La Tarde, Asuncion’s afternoon newspaper, that plans were afoot to open a huge section of the Paraguayan Chaco to 500 Muslim families. Paraguayans with some knowledge of the isolated Chaco, and the difficulty the settlers would encounter there, felt certain that the proposed Nueva Andalucia settlement in Boqueron Department had to be a bogus operation. It was the sort of land scam that had been customary during the more than three-decade reign of dictator Adolfo Stroessner.

This time, however, the report elicited more than the usual share of criticism. There seemed no logic to the undertaking, especially since the project was reportedly underwritten by the shadowy World Islamic Council (WIC) and would involve settlers from an unnamed country or countries. Only Mennonite settlements had successfully tamed the central Chaco, and the phlegmatic Paraguayans were aware that they had done so because they were unbelievably industrious. They had persisted in an environment that had defeated every group that had preceded them.

Acting as spokesman for the WIC was Elio Massagrande, the Italian-born resident in Paraguay who was himself under investigation in Italy. It was reported that he had been granted usufruct right to 100,000 hectares (1,000 sq. kilometers) of Chaco land. Massagrande was said to be financing the construction of a large fertilizer plant within the WIC colony. In Asuncion, citizens aware of Massagrande’s vile history, and his barely disguised belief that most Paraguayans were moronic country bumpkins, were left to wonder what the Italian really had in mind.

A month later, the anti-Stroessner Paraguay monthly journal Patria Libre informed the public that in the nineteen seventies Massagrande had acquired in northern Italy the reputation of a brutal fixer, train bomber, and terrorist. The journal tied Massagrande to Licio Gelli, infamous leader of Italy’s P-2 Masonic Lodge -- and it noted both men traveled on a Paraguayan passport. The two reportedly were also involved in the purchase of a bank and finance company in Asuncion, a large percentage of which was owned by Stroessner insiders. Once that article was published, for many Paraguayans the smell of narcotics trafficking was in the air.

Economists estimated that by 1988 the Government of Paraguay had run up a total current account deficit of $2 billion. How that deficit was being financed could not be explained — unless one took into account the growth of narcotics trafficking. Paraguayan contraband agents (transitistas) purchased cocaine in Santa Cruz, Bolivia, and transported it to airstrips in the Chaco.

From there were a myriad ways to move the commodity, a favorite being the use of Paraguayan merchant vessels (which were subsidized by the Government and ran at an annual loss). As much as 1,000 kilos a month was transiting Paraguay en route to Latin America, Europe and the United States. In addition, a small amount was shipped to the Middle East where Bolivian cocaine had already made an appearance in Beirut circles. It was estimated that Paraguay was then earning as much as $300 million per-annum from cocaine, in addition to which the annual sale of its marijuana crop exceeded $50 million.

The Paraguay police were convinced that Massagrande and his Arab friends planned to use the WIC cover to transport cheap processed coca paste from Bolivia to Massagrande's fertilizer plant in the isolated Nueva Andalucia settlement. There it would be refined into Cocaine HCl. The mark-up from paste to powder was terrific and everyone involved could get rich. And when it came to narcotics trafficking, Gustavo Stroessner, the President's son, was already aboard.

Massagrande was nearly forgotten until the following year, and interest in his Nueva Andalucia was not revived until June 1988 when newspapers reported that six Lebanese Shiites had just been expelled from Paraguay. They were among a group of forty Lebanese Shiites that had arrived in April and were all expelled after it was found they held illegitimate visas.

The police were soon forced to admit, however, that the media was in error and the papers had been legitimate. It was then rumored that they were a minuscule percentage of an estimated 3,500 visas that had been issued by the Paraguay Honorary Consul in Beirut since the start of the year. Hundreds of young men with Lebanese passports had been transiting Brazil and were appearing en masse in the Argentina-Brazil-Paraguay tri-border region. Most simply disappeared after arriving in Paraguay’s Ciudad Stroessner, the kleptocrat's paradise located on the Parana River just south of the dam at Foz de Iguacu.

If there was an eminence gris who took charge of the Lebanese Shiites once they arrived in the tri-border region, no one could name him. If the Paraguayan police seemed baffled, Argentine public safety officials looked the other way. And Brazilian police could be bought even more cheaply than the Paraguayan police on the take in Puerto Stroessner.

In the convoluted way that politics was carried out under Stroessner, the U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency had long contended that the President and his circle of friends were aware and personally benefitted from the narcotics activity of certain Arab businessmen in Puerto Stroessner. Stroessner's political opponents were certain that the police had orders not to interfere in the trafficking that was known to occur in various Arab hotspots, including the Casa Mona Lisa, La Casa de Ali, and the Allstar Sports Shop. But just who was profiting from the arrival of Arabs was discerned only much later when a number of foreign intelligence agencies discovered Hizbollah's financial involvement.

As for the flow of Arabs, after Stroessner was deposed it was learned that Paraguayan consuls and honorary consuls living abroad had participated in the sale of untold thousands of Paraguayan passports, visas and travel documents. Senior Colorado Party officials had been involved in traffic worth millions. Also involved included was a former Stroessner mistress who headed the Paraguay's Foreign Ministry consular section in Asuncion. Paraguay Consuls and Honorary Consuls generally purchased their commissions from the Minister of Interior, and they would take their percentage from the sale of documents that ranged from residence visas to a diplomatic passport. The latter, cherished by everyone from traffickers to Arab sheikhs, was available to foreigners if they were willing to pay the price.

In the late nineteen eighties Beirut and Hong Kong were the two factories where representatives of Paraguay pumped out most of the bogus paper. Most Chinese hoped to use Paraguayan documents as a trampoline to enter the United States. But Beirut was different. No one outside of the participants and the Minister of Foreign Affairs seemed to comprehend the vast extent of the passport racket and the papers issued in the honorary consul’s office in Beirut. That racket was controlled by Cristina, the daughter of Paraguay’s Minister of Foreign Affairs Sabino Montanaro. She served as First Secretary at the Paraguayan embassy in London and supervised the Beirut operation where documents were almost universally delivered either to Lebanese Shiites or Palestinian Arabs.

The Beirut racket only surfaced after a number of angry cables Cristina sent her father complaining that their man in Beirut was skimming more than his share of proceeds on the sale of Paraguayan paper were leaked by Stroessner's enemies. After that, the Paraguay police learned that the Beirut consular office had sold as many as 5,000 visas between 1986 and 1988. Their analysts were convinced that Iran was bankrolling a Hizbollah operation, but they could not prove it.

By the Fall of 1988 the Stroessner’s kleptocracy was falling apart. The Arab settlement plan for the Chaco had disappeared like a puff of smoke, taking Massagrande along with it. The Asuncion office of the Bank of Credit and Commerce International, that planetary Ponzi scheme which devoured $9.5 billion dollars in deposits from more than sixty countries was nearing its end. Stroessner himself was sick and would have to undergo a prostate operation that he had long postponed.

The ‘old man’ had learned of his son’s involvement in various narcotics arrangements, including a scheme involving the transport of cocaine concealed in electronics to Brazil and Argentina from two airstrips located on the outskirts of Ciudad Presidente Stroessner. It didn't seem to matter. Gustavo was forced to lay low while his father laid plans to promote him to senior General in the Air Force and retire certain senior military officials who would oppose the move. Indeed, retirement was in the cards for a number of Stroessner war-horses including his old ally General Andres Rodriguez.

The Army was demoralized but Rodriquez was ready to act. Stroessner could not be allowed to pass the Presidency to his utterly corrupt son. Rodriguez informed the U.S. embassy that Paraguay could not continue along its present path. Aware that the DEA El Paso Intelligence Center had a thick folder with his name on it, the General swore that he was not involved in narcotics, and offered to tell the Embassy everything he knew on trafficking in Paraguay.

In August 1988 Stroessner underwent prostate surgery. Shortly after that, a list circulated of senior military officials to be retired. It was clear that Stroessner was clearing the way to promote his son to full Colonel, and then to the eventual command of the military itself. Aware that Stroesser wanted to force his retirement, General Rodriguez led the coup d'etat that was carried out on the night of February 1, 1989. Stroessner and his son were sent off to exile in Brazil. Rodriguez assumed the Presidency, but then surprised nearly everyone when he began the planning that would return Paraguay to civilian government. After 34 years and nine months the Stronato was over, and after nearly forty years of military rule the government would be returned to civilian control.

The illegal sale of Paraguayan "paper" was shut down, and Foreign Minister Sabino Montanaro was placed under arrest. By then, however, it was a case of too little, too late. No one really knew for sure how many Muslim Arabs had landed in the tri-border region. One report issued in 2005 could only generalize that there were anywhere from 12,000 to 40,000 Arabs (Hugh Smith, Terrorism in the Iguazu Falls Region, Army Command and General Staff College, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, 31 August 2005.) By then one detail was certain: In conjunction with the Arab immigrants the Hizbollah had created a toehold in South America.

Bron: J. Millard Burr, a Senior Fellow at ACD, is author of Alms for Jihad

De waarheid schaadt nooit een zaak die rechtvaardig is.