En wat zegt de CCC over de Bende van Nijvel? Hieronder het antwoord opgesteld op 27 maart 1985:

La seconde caractéristique nous éclaire quant à l’absolu manque de confiance qu’a le "Parti du Travail" dans les masses laborieuses et leur jugement. Nous ne voulons, en aucun cas, tomber dans le piège idéaliste où s’ébat PTB, et nous ne dirons pas que spontanément les masses estiment tout avec la plus grande lucidité historique, en réponse au jugement de Simons selon lequel elles sont incapables de comprendre quoi que ce soit et rien à rien: "Les travailleurs ont peur pour leur avenir. Ils ont peur du chômage. Ils ont peur des menaces de guerre. Cette crainte ouvre les yeux des travailleurs qui voient de plus en plus le caractère du capitalisme. C’est pour éviter cette prise de conscience que la CIA lance, au moyen des médias, des hommes politiques de droite et des provocations fascistes... la bande du Brabant Wallon (*), certaines excitations dans les stades de football, les attentats des CCC, voilà les agissements des flics et des fascistes..."

Anecdote: nous avons gagné d’un côté ce que nous avons perdu de l’autre. Ce que nous avons gagné: cet article a éclairé notre lanterne sur une question qui nous turlupinait depuis assez longtemps ; nous n’avions jamais compris cette affiche de PTB: "... le fascisme tue", citant en exemple les agissements de cette "bande du Brabant wallon". C’est chose faite maintenant, si l’on écoute PTB, la délinquance sociale et le banditisme sont orchestrés par le service "action" de Lord Carrington, et Michel Cocu est - au bas mot - 007 (il fut flic dans sa jeunesse, ce doit être une continuité). Bien. Ce que nous avons perdu: Si "pour éviter cette prise de conscience (la nature du capitalisme) la CIA lance, au moyen des médias, des hommes politiques de droite..." pourquoi PTB appelle-t-il à manifester contre la venue de Le Pen? Pour égarer les travailleurs?

Huidige voetnoten door de CCC bij de bovenstaande tekst:

(*) Bande de gangsters (appelée aussi "tueurs fous du Brabant") responsable de 1983 à 1985 de plusieurs attaques sanglantes.

Diverses factions de la bourgeoisie et leur services de police exploitèrent démagogiquement le climat d’insécurité créé par ces attaques, en profitant pour régler leurs comptes entre eux.

Le Michel Cocu dont il est question au paragraphe suivant est un policier arrêté dans le cadre de l’enquête. À l’époque où furent écrites ces lignes, l’enquête n’avait pas encore révélé de liens existant entre ces gangsters et l’extrême-droite... Depuis, plusieurs éléments sont venus étayer l’hypothèse d’une connexion, et depuis ces révélations, la "gauche" et "l’extrême-gauche" veulent voir dans cette affaire la tentative d’un complot démocratico-liberticide, complot auquel elles mêlent les CCC, "pendant terroriste rouge" des "tueurs du Brabant".

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Hieronder nog een aantal belangrijke date in de CCC-tijdlijn:

  • Mai 1982 : Pierre Carette met en place le premier noyau militant qui donnera, quelques mois plus tard, naissance aux Cellules communistes combattantes (CCC).

  • Août 1982: Sortie du premier numéro de "Subversion". Cette publication est éditée par Pierre Carette et Frédéric Oriach (Action directe). Elle propage les idéaux des différents groupes d'ultragauche de "guérilla urbaine". Cette revue est singularisée par un antisioniste radical.

  • Septembre 1983: Pierre Carette crée le collectif Ligne rouge, une structure de soutien aux groupes terroristes ouest-européens.

  • 2 octobre 1984: A point nommé, les Cellules communistes combattantes (CCC) de Pierre Carette rentrent en scène. Dans le cadre d’une "campagne anti-impérialiste" visant l’OTAN (également ciblée récemment par une opération de déstabilisation orchestrée par le WNP), leur première bombe explose. La cible: les installations, à Evère, d’une firme industriel américaine.

  • 19 octobre 1984 : Officiellement en vue de mettre la main sur les CCC, le ministre PRL de la Justice, Jean Gol, lance "l’opération Mammouth". Elle sera un échec concernant l’enquête sur les vrais terroristes. Par contre, elle permettra de réactualiser les fichiers politiques sur l’ensemble de la gauche.

  • 12 décembre 1984: Les CCC font sauter des oléoducs de l’OTAN… sur base d’un propre plan de l’OTAN (en prévision d’une attaque soviétique)! Suite à l’ensemble des attentats anti-atlantiques des CCC, le gouvernement américain et l’OTAN critiqueront vivement les réactions tièdes des autorités belges.

  • 19 novembre 1985: Le gouvernement fait descendre dans la rue les parachutistes pour venir en aide à la gendarmerie afin de maintenir la sécurité face aux CCC et aux tueurs du Brabant. Deux jours plus tard, le président américain Ronald Reagan arrive en Belgique.

  • 16 décembre 1985: Arrestation à Namur de Pierre Carette et de trois autres militants des CCC. Fin des opérations de ce groupe terroriste. Résultat: les moyens des forces de l’ordre ont considérablement augmenté, le mouvement pacifiste anti-missiles a été discrédité, une tentative de déstabilisation de l’extrême gauche eut lieu et les militants de la gauche politique fichés.

Bron: resistances.be

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63

Belgium: Terrorist Violence Escalates

Belgium is now afflicted with indigenous terrorism to much the same degree as its French and West German neighbors. The Communist Combatant Cells (CCC) and a few other, lesser known, terrorist groups have conducted some 30 attacks in Belgium in little more than a year. The CCC has concentrated its recent attacks against Belgian domestic interests, but US and NATO targets are also at risk. Moreover, CCC operations have become increasingly violent, and the group is employing new and more dangerous tactics. The inability of the Belgian security services to effectively counter the group portends a high level of terrorist activity.

Terrorism emerges in Belgium

Belgium had experienced little of the terrorism endemic to much of contemporary Western Europe until the fall of 1984. It appeared that terrorists - wether of West European or Middle Eastern origin - viewed Belgium as a place of refuge, a safe-haven to which revolutionaries could come, regroup, and rebuild their logistic bases. Terrorists had operated there only sporadically, and, in those few instances, against non-Belgian targets. But in late 1984 an indigenous Belgian terrorist group calling itself Communist Combatant Cells carried out five attacks in the Brussels area between 2 and 17 October. The group - which seemed to be functioning as a part of a loosely coordinated West European "anti-imperialist front" - began its campaign by attacking defense-related targets - including the offices of the American firms Litton and Honeywell - but also bombed Belgian political targets.

From 26 November 1984 until 15 January 1985, the CCC concentrated on defense-related targets. It bombed a communications facility at the Bierset military airfield near Liege, claiming that the attack was in solidarity with a 1981 attack by the Red Army Faction (RAF) against Ramstein Air Force Base in West Germany. On 11 December, in its largest operation, the CCC planted six bombs that exploded in five different locations along NATO fuel pipelines and claimed that "war against NATO has become the principal aim of our movement". The pipeline had extensively described in RAF documents discovered in July 1984, and one of the facilities on the RAF target list was among those bombed in the CCC attack.

In what was to be the close of the group’s "anti-imperialist" campaign, the CCC set off a car bomb (20 kilograms of TNT) outside a NATO support building in Brussels on 15 January 1985. The blast wounded two military guards and caused extensive damage. The size of the bomb and its apparent intent to inflict casualties marked an escalation in CCC violence. The communique dedicated the attack to the Red Army Faction and said the CCC would target US military personnel in the future. Following this incident, however, the CCC called a halt to its actions and decide on its future course of action.

The CCC returns - and kills

The CCC resumed its operations on 1 May when it placed a car bomb outside the Belgian Employers Federation in Brussels. The group also used new tactics in this operation; it set the vehicle on fire, scattered leaflets warning of an impending explosion, and phoned a bomb warning to the police. In spite of these efforts to avoid casualties, two firemen were killed by the blast - the first deaths resulting from a CCC operation.

The deaths of the firemen caused the CCC to take some unusual steps. The group immediately tried to shift responsibility to the police for not keeping the firemen away from the car bomb. It issued a communique expressing regret over the deaths, claiming that it had done everything possible to avoid fatalities and declaring that the CCC did not intend to kill or injure members of the Belgian working class. Then, on 6 May the group bombed a police administrative office, apparently to punish the police for the firemen’s deaths. The 1 May incident may have precipitated dissension and self-criticism within the CCC, because the group entered into another period of inactivity that was to last five months.

On 8 October - the anniversary of its attack on Honeywell - the CCC ended this hiatus by setting off a car bomb outside a Brussels gas company complex. It took elaborate precautions to avoid casualties by broadcasting a tape-recorded message from the vehicle, warning people to stay away from it. The group seemed determined to avoid repetition of the public outcry, which had ensued over the firemen’s deaths. The communique that followed this attack announced the beginning of a "Karl Marx anticapitalist campaign", which implied a concentrated effort against business, industrial, and labor targets. But the CCC also struck other types of targets in rapid succession:

  • On 12 October it expressed its intention to disrupt national parliamentary elections by setting off two bombs at a private metal company and at a government tax office in Charleroi. Leaflets found at the scene were identical to those found outside the Brussels gas company on 8 October. The elections were held on 13 October without further however.

  • On 19 October a small bomb exploded outside an armed forces information office.

  • On 20 October a vehicle belonging to the president of the National Action Committee for Peace and Development - a pacifist organization opposed to the deployment of NATO cruise missiles in Belgium - was the target of an arson attack.

Although the last two attacks did not resemble previous CCC operations - and may be the work of a dissident faction within the CCC - copies of a communique ostensibly prepared by the group were found at both sites. This communique announced the opening of a "second front", to be called the "Pierre Akkerman campaign", against bourgeois militarism and pacifism. The communique termed such acts as a mass public demonstration protesting missile deployment on 20 October as "the usual, useless, ineffective petite bourgeois sterile actions".

If the CCC was responsible for the attack on the pacifist movement, it marks a further broadening of the group’s roster of targets. Its attacks have been mounted against NATO and defense-related targets, domestic political parties and "anticapitalist" symbols. Should the CCC now begin attacking the pacifist movement - which might have provided it with recruits and supporters - it is likely to isolate itself from those leftist segments of Belgian society it sought to attract.

In early November the CCC demonstrated several more new tactics in four attacks against banks:

  • In one incident, the group placed a car bomb outside a Brussels bank. When a security vehicle happened on the scene, the terrorists sprayed it with automatic weapons fire, slightly wounding a guard. The terrorists, who had never before used firearms during an operation, demonstrated that they were both well armed - a subject of Belgian police speculation heretofore - and willing to resort to lethal force to avoid capture.

  • In two of the incidents, members of the group entered banks in Charleroi and Leuven during business hours, chained suite case bombs to the premises and distributed leaflets warning of imminent explosions. The buildings were evacuated, and there were no injuries, but damage was extensive. The placing of bombs in occupied buildings suggests the CCC has become less concerned about causing casualties than it previously was, and that the group is growing bolder.

  • In the last bank attack, the CCC also set off a suitcase bomb outside the Brussels branch of the US-owned Manufacturers Hanover Bank, causing major damage, but no injuries. This was its first attack against a US target in 10 months.

Taken together, the four attacks against banks form part of the group’s Karl Marx anticapitalist campaign announced in October; the communique following these attacks said that the banks had been chosen as symbols of capitalism. Other Belgian, US, and foreign business interests may be targeted if this phase of CCC operations continues.

Other attacks 

[De eerste twee zinnen zijn gecensureerd.] On 5 November 1984, the so-called Unknown Anarchist Group (2) placed a bomb under a police van in Brussels. The device malfunctioned, however, and was disarmed. Police initially suspected the CCC, but it was, unlike CCC attacks, a conspicuous failure, and it was not followed by one of the CCC’s usual lengthy communiques. (*) Then on the night of 20-21 April 1985 - during a period of CCC inactivity - a group calling itself the "Revolutionary Front for Proletarion Action" (FRAP) claimed responsibility for attacks upon the North Atlantic Assembly building and the West German electronics firm AEG-Telefunken. In separate communiques, the group said it had attacked the North Atlantic Assembly because of its political connection with NATO and AEG-Telefunken because of its NATO military contracts. The FRAP claimed that it was created "to expand the revolutionary anti-imperialist organization acting against everything that directly or indirectly works at preparing for the imperialist war".

(*) Over die aanslag vind je meer info in het topic over Thingvellir » Forum

Little is known about either the "Unknown Anarchist Group" or the FRAP - which may be one and the same - but they do not appear to be cover names for the CCC. FRAP communiques tend to be anarchistic and less thematically coherent than those of the CCC, which takes a Marxist-Leninist line. In addition, CCC bombs have been professionally constructed  of high explosives, more powerful and destructive than the other groups’ devices. It may be significant, however, that the FRAP has used explosives stolen from the Ecaussines quarry in Belgium in June 1984 - material that has also been used by Action Directe in France and the Red Army Faction in West Germany. We do not know for certain that the CCC has used explosives [gecensureerd] but the group has claimed to have done so and has said that the quarry theft was carried out by an "international revolutionary commando".

Outlook

Terrorist activities in Belgium probably will remain at a high level for the remainder of 1985 and into 1986, with the CCC continuing to pose the major threat. The group has undergone significant changes in its brief existence. Despite its early vow to wage an "anti-imperialist" campaign against NATO, it has not attacked a US military or NATO-related target since mid-January. Over the past 10 months, the CCC has focused on domestic rather than foreign targets and is likely to continue to do so. The group’s activities may come to resemble those of Action Directe, which primarily focuses on French domestic interests, but occasionally attacks a foreign target. As security is tightened around the more important symbolic targets, that is, military installations, government offices, and utilities, the CCC probably will turn to more vulnerable targets.

Additional attacks by the CCC against US or NATO targets are still possible. The group warned of its intention to kill US military personnel after the attack on the NATO support facility, and it may yet carry out its threat. As long as controversy continues over deployment of NATO cruise missiles in Belgium, the potential West European role in the Strategic Defense Initiative program, and lack of succes in arms control negotiations, the CCC and other Belgian terrorist may find it politically expedient to attack symbolic targets relating to these issues.

CCC origins and ideology

Information concerning CCC membership is fragmentary and speculative. Its communiques, issued after several of its attacks, claim the group was organized in 1982, support itself through bank robberies, plans its operations months in advance, and shares explosives with other West European terrorists. Following the 8 October 1984 attack against Honeywell, the CCC communique claimed the group was organized along the lines of the Italian Red Brigades (BR). [gecensureerd] the slogans, themes and ideology were similar. The CCC’s emblem, a five-pointed star, resembles that of the Italian group, and even the name "Communist Combattant Cells" was first used by Italian terrorists.

[gecensureerd] the CCC was either an extension of the French leftwing terrorist group Action Directe (AD), or composed of individuals who had been members of support groups of the West German Red Army Faction (RAF). French and West German terrorists maintain safe houses in Belgium, and that there were previously existed in Belgium, and that there were known contacts between Belgian leftists - suspected of membership in the CCC - and French terrorists. The CCC’s attacks against defense-related targets appeared to be part of the so-called Euroterrorist anti-NATO campaign started by Action Directe in Paris in the summer of 1984 and carried along by the RAF in the following months.

The CCC however, has maintained that it is an indigenous and autonomous Belgian revolutionary group, not politically associated with or subordinate to Action Directe, the Red Army Faction, or any other foreign revolutionary movement. [gecensureerd] the group is composed primarily of Belgian leftists who have decided to emulate their counterparts in terrorism along the lines of Italy, France and West Germany.

(1) Akkerman was a Belgian Communist killed in the Spanish civil war in 1936.

(2) Responsibility for two previous bombings in Brussels in 1984 - of the Palace of Justice on 19 May and the General Bank Association on 29 June - was claimed by the self-proclaimed "Unknown Group", and the "Still Unknown Group", respectively.

Bron: CCC Terrorism Review | 2 December 1985

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64

In diezelfde Terrorism Review van 2 december 1985 staat nog een artikel met als titel 'Belgium: Coping with terrorism'. Hieronder het volledige artikel: 

Belgium, once relatively untouched by the terrorist phenomenon, now finds itself increasingly vulnerable because of its open borders, large number of attractive international targets, and the appearance of indigenous terrorist groups during the past year. A national counterterrorist boy [de Anti-Terroristische Gemengde Groep], championed by Minister of Justice Jean Gol, was established in September 1984, but a lack of training and experience, continuing interservice rivalries, and austere budgets will impede Belgium’s counterterrorist efforts.

Terrorism: Foreign and Domestic

Belgium historically has served as a supply base and sanctuary for terrorist groups from all corners of Europe. Foreign terrorists transit Belgium with ease. The border with France alone has 600 crossing points, only 40 of which are checked by police. The Spanish Basque separatist organization Basque Fatherland and Liberty (ETA) created an infrastructure in Belgium in the 1960s and received open support from some extremist movements. More than 100 sympathizers attended the trial of four ETA members in 1983, and, according to ETA, the powerful bomb that extensively damaged the Palace of Justice in Antwerp was its retaliation for the extradition of two of the four to Spain.


[Meer info over die bomaanslag in Antwerpen vind je in het topic Operatie ETA » Forum]

As host to numerous exiles, particularly Albanians and Yugoslavs, as well as a growing Middle Eastern community, Belgium has been the venue of violent activity in the past. The Provisional Irish Republican Army carried out bombings in 1978 and 1979; the West German Red Army Faction attempted to blow up NATO Supreme Commander Haig’s car in 1979; Palestinian guerrillas tried to seize an Israeli airplane at Brussels airport the same year; and an Armenian group claimed responsibility for the murder of a Turkish attache in 1982, Gol pushed for a central policymaking group - the Antiterrorist College - to collect intelligence and combat terrorism. Two years of study and negotiations on the complicated and politically sensitive organizational and control aspects of the College preceded the signing of protocols among the various police and security services.

Despite this progress, the Belgians were not fully prepared to deal with the series of bombings begun in October 1984 by the Communist Combatant Cells (CCC), a domestic group, which emerged during the heated debated on Intermediate Nuclear Force deployment. The CCC initially attacked NATO facilities and foreign subsidiaries of defense-related businesses initially, but the group recently has broadened its targets to include domestic companies, banks, and even the pacifist movement. Two other Belgian-based organizations, the Revolutionary Front for Proletarian Action (FRAP) and a radical environmental group, the Peace Conquerors, have also claimed credit for bombings. The nation’s counterterrorist units have also had to deal with mindless criminal violence committed (*) by a gang - nicknamed the Crazy Brabant Killers - which has robbed supermarkets and killed bystanders indiscriminately, as many as seven at a time.

(*) In het topic over de CIA heb ik al aangegeven dat het vreemd is dat de CIA de feiten van de Bende van Nijvel zonder meer beschouwd als criminele feiten.

Failures and successes

Pas performance by Belgian authorities has not been impressive, and such breakthroughs as have occurred have been fortuitous:

  • Pamphlets prepared by a Belgian printer, Pierre Carette, for the French terrorist group Action Directe (AD) in 1982 were discovered only after the car delivering them had an accident on the Brussels-Paris expressway.

  • Operation Mammoth, a major counterterrorist effort launched with much fanfare in the fall of 1984, yielded few concrete results, despite more than 120 searches by hundred of police officers.

  • In march 1984 several AD leaders evaded arrest despite surveillance by the Judiciary Police for several days.

  • In June 1985 the Gendarmerie surprised a group digging up weapons near Leuven, but the detainees were later released because of a lack of evidence tying them to a terrorist group.

Even successful antiterrorist operations often reveal police clumsiness. In a major succes this summer, Belgian authorities discovered several apartments in the Brussels suburbs linked to the FRAP. Searches of the apartments yielded components for manufacturing bombs, money, weapons, false identification cards, and terrorist literature. During the several weeks in which police shadowed suspected FRAP member Chantal Paternostre, however, she and her husband copied down the license numbers of more than 30 undercover vehicles that followed them. Most of these belonged to the Group Diane, considered the country’s elite counterterrorist unit. Following her arrest, she has not cooperated with police and is unlikely to do so because the judicial system makes no provision for plea bargaining.


Expanded Cooperation

Brussels has displayed some interest in exchanging information with other countries. West Germany and France, for example, drew Belgium into cooperative efforts in February when they agreed to form a joint operational working group to intensify police and intelligence exchanges. The Belgian Interforces Antiterrorist Group (GIA), the German Federal Police (BKA), and the individual French services plan to establish a direct secure communication link for exchanging information pertaining to the Red Army Faction, Action Directe, and the CCC. [hierna volgt een kort gecensureerd stuk]

Foreing Minister Tindemans also stressed international cooperation. During Vice President Bush’s visit in June, Tindemans pointed out that the Belgian Parliament had just approved a plan to work within the Council of Europe against terrorism. In his UN speech in September, Tindemans also urged countries to seek agreement on what acts constitute terrorism and to take some universally recognized measures to combat them.

Outlook Mixed

In a period of economic austerity, Brussels, until recently, devoted few resources to counterterrorist efforts. Between 1976 and 1983, the security budget did not increase as a share of GNP. Last fall, however, funds for security forces were augmented substantially, and money was earmarked to automate files of the State Security Service, establish a Senior Police Institute, and equip and train regional Gendarmerie special intervention units. These units are scheduled to be fully trained by late 1986 and will be responsive to tasking from both the GIA and the Gendarmerie. In addition, Brussels has authorized an increase in the strength of the Gendarmerie to nearly 17.000 by the end of 1986.

Rivalry among and within Belgium’s various security services is rampant and obstructs the sharing of information. The services have been known to conduct investigations independently and refuse to share evidence or leads. Different functional responsibilities between the Gendarmerie and the State Security Service also restrict cooperation. The Gendarmerie is primarily a paramilitary organization with law and order functions, [gecensureerd].

The lack of a clearly defined chained of command will continue to create problems. Four different police forces answer to three different ministeries. The Gendarmerie, for example, is tasked by the Ministry of Defense but also assists the Ministries of Interior and Justice. A study group is exploring the question of command structure, but this is likely to be a lengthy process.

As bombings by the CCC and criminal violence continue unchecked, public anxiety is mounting. The government has announced measures to increase the coordination of police forces and to improve counterterrorist training. Justice Minister Gol is considering the formation of an as yet undefined "super police". The death penalty, which has not been applied since 1984, is again under discussion

Despite the formation of the new Antiterrorist College and expanded counterterrorist cooperation, financial and personnel limitations and the inexperience of the newly formed GIA do not augur well for immediate results. For the time being, Belgium’s response to terrorism is likely to be reactive rather than anticipatory, but public pressure should ensure continued focus on the problem.

Bron: CIA Terrorism Review | 2 December 1985

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65

(...) Zevenentwintig aanslagen hadden ze gepleegd. Tegen het studiecentrum van de PVV in Elsene, tegen de CVP in Gent, tegen Belgische poten van het militair-industrieel complex, tegen banken en patronale organisaties … Het droevigst was de aanslag tegen de hoofdzetel van het Verbond van Belgische Ondernemingen (VBO) in Brussel. De CCC wou niet doden en had de straat bezaaid met pamfletten: “Danger! Gevaar! Gepiegeerde wagen”.

Twee brandweerlui kwamen om het leven, niet omdat ze niet hadden begrepen wat een ‘gepiegeerde wagen’ (poging tot vertaling van voiture piégée) mocht wezen, maar omdat de rijkswacht de pamfletten had opgeveegd en verzuimd had te melden dat het hier een bomauto van de CCC betrof. Alsof de duivel ermee gemoeid was, gebeurde het op 1 mei, de Dag van de Arbeid. De CCC excuseerde zich, legde een bom voor een rijkswachtkazerne in Woluwe, maar was haar Robin Hood-imago voorgoed kwijt.

De CCC wordt ook verantwoordelijk geacht voor een wapendiefstal in de kazerne van de Ardense Jagers in Vielsalm, in de nacht van 12 op 13 mei 1984. Dat was vijf maanden voor de eerste aanslag. De organisatie werd ervan verdacht de hand te hebben in de diefstal van 816 kilogram dynamiet en F15-explosieven in een steengroeve in Ecausinnes, in juni 1984.

Dit spul dook later op bij het Franse Action Directe. Destijds waren er aanwijzingen dat die roof niet het werk was van extreem-links, maar van extreem-rechts. Door de jaren heen bleef de hypothese overeind. Daarbij heet het dat de CCC’ers, zonder het te beseffen, vanuit een duistere hoek logistiek werden gesteund bij het creëren van een landelijke psychose en de daaruit volgende roep om een sterker politieapparaat.

Het spectaculairst was het op vijf verschillende plaatsen in België opblazen van NAVO-pijplijnen in december 1984. Vijf bommen is minstens één teveel voor een organisatie die uit vier personen bestaat, merkten critici later op. Eens de rechter gesproken heeft, mag er in België niet meer worden gediscussieerd. Hij orakelde dat de CCC bestond uit vier studentikoze doordrammers en dat de hele groep opgerold was – een indruk die bevestigd werd door het feit dat er na 16 december 1985 geen enkele aanslag meer volgde.

In april van vorig jaar stootte Justitie in een garagebox in Ukkel per toeval op vijf FAL-geweren van de Ardense Jagers en 40 kilogram dynamiet uit Ecaussines. Al sinds 1985 werd de box gehuurd door twee onbekenden die maandelijks het huurgeld in een envelopje in een brievenbus stopten. Die twee personen zijn nooit geïdentificeerd.

Lees het hele artikel hier » Nieuws

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